After the fall of communism the bunkers were abandoned. Most of them destroyed so the concrete and iron could be used as building materials. The location close to the lake Ohrid, which is shown on the map is a very good example how the different types of bunkers were positioned for defending Albania. Another perfect example for remains of paranoia! Von den er bis er Jahren wurden landesweit mehr als Nach dem Fall des Kommunismus wurden die Bunker aufgegeben.
The airfield is unique in Albania in being built near a mountain. It allowed aircrafts after landing to hide in a tunnel inside the mountain. The tunnel has a capacity of storing about 50 aircrafts. Bis zu 50 Flugzeuge finden darin Platz. Der Tunnel wurde gebaut, damit Flugzeuge nach der Landung dort versteckt werden konnten. Pasha Liman was the only Soviet navy base in the Mediterranean in the s. It was the hot spot of conflict between the Soviets and the Albanians in when Albania pulled out of the Warsaw Pact.
Currently, one taken out of service Whiskey-class submarine is located here. The base is still in operation by the Albanian Navy. Pasha Liman war in den er Jahren die einzige sowjetische Marinebasis im Mittelmeerraum. Derzeit befindet sich hier ein ausgemustertes U-Boot der Whisky-Klasse.
Die Basis wird noch von der albanischen Marine betrieben. It was one in twelve of the Albanian army. About 60 Ta battle tanks were stationed here.
They are replicas of Soviet T tanks. Furthermore Chinese type 63 armored personnel carriers were in service. All were gifts from China. Inside the hill more than 10 tunnels were built to place and maintain tanks. The remains of paranoia are still visible, who knows for how much longer? Hier waren etwa 60 T 59a-Kampfpanzer stationiert. Sie sind Nachbildungen sowjetischer TPanzer. Alle waren Geschenke aus China. The island now is uninhabited.
Die Insel ist jetzt unbewohnt. Construction of the air base began in and was completed in It can be accessed by a taxiway between the fields, about 1 km east of the runway.
It is situated at the northern end of the bay of Porto Palermo. Despite a brief period of liberalization in the s, as relations with these larger powers deteriorated, Hoxha slowly withdrew Albania from international politics and economic trade agreements. Because of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and their military occupation of Hungary, Hoxha feared that Albania would soon come under attack.
Although the scale of the bunker-building program far exceeded what might be reasonably necessary for the country, the motivation for extensive defensive structures throughout the country was grounded in decades of Soviet aggression against Eastern European countries. During his forty-year rule, Hoxha wrote extensively about his political opinions in numerous memoirs that were published in Tirana and translated into English.
Throughout his breaks with Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, and China, he postulated a particular socialist ideology that he identified as Anti-Revisionist Marxist-Leninist. Although he strived to separate his political views from that of other socialist states, he falls in line with the mandates of Marxist socialism, which demands revolutionary theory alongside revolutionary practice. In the text, Hoxha canonizes Stalin by defending many of his actions, naming and harshly critiquing his opponents, and explaining his strong influence on Albanian politics.
Throughout his memoir, Hoxha focuses on the industrialization of Soviet Russia. However, his own attempts at industrialization in Albania are full of contradictions: although the country was entirely electrified by , Hoxha did not develop sufficient infrastructure for transportation or telecommunications.
Overall, With Stalin reveals the complex relationship between the two leaders. Despite reforms set in place by Nikita Khrushchev, Hoxha refused to comply with any de-Stalinization efforts. Hoxha vocalized his disapproval with the shifting Soviet ideologies, but he was also simply fearful that the political changes might provoke Yugoslavia to invade Albania.
Albania joined the Warsaw Pact in , but relations over the next ten years only worsened between the three communist nations. Prompted by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, Albania officially left the Warsaw Pact in in protest. While Hoxha identified strongly as an Anti-Revisionist, he also associated himself in both political speeches and specifically within films and documentaries, as a partisan, which in the Albanian context refers to the anti-Nazi resistance fighters who self-organized in the s and became the basis for the Albanian Communist Party.
In an effort to consolidate power and under the guise of war crimes trials, the Party executed individuals who threatened their consolidation of power. But when the Soviet Union no longer provided Hoxha the political patronage he needed, he defiantly turned to Mao Zedong in China, just as Sino-Soviet relations were at their worst. Between and , when Hoxha acknowledged the need for a successor to his power, he ordered the execution of many of his top officials because he believed they were conspiring against him.
He then subsequently elevated many of the younger members of the Party because he believed they would be more likely to follow his strict Stalinist model.
Politically, however, his leadership was characterized by fitful relationships with larger economic powers. His image transmuted as a fellow partisan to Tito, a devout Stalinist, and a friend of Mao.
His presence would often be referred to, specifically within the s pro-partisan films, but in feature films he was never represented by an actor. Nevertheless, his absence played a role in to the construction of his image. By the late s, as the bunker building program began, Hoxha had imposed his most severe political mandates, forcibly removed all threats to his power, and with the help of thousands of concrete bunkers impressed a looming xenophobic fear onto his citizens.
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